The iponucany machine represented the Ur the inducements such as offers of public jobs The machine sustained itself by late nineteenth century. Bosses purchased voter support with individual economic (73) exchanging material benefits for political support. "By 1890 Irish bosses ran most of the bigcity Democratic machines constructed in the 1870s and 1880s By 1886, the Irish held 58 percent of the seats on the San Francisco Democratic party central committee 61 percent of the Tammany Society Ipolitical machine in New York City] were Irish in 1890. What accounts for their unusually high group political participation rates? The Irish capture of the urban Democratic party depended on a large Irish voting bloc. In city after city the Irish mobilized politically much more quickly than other ethnic groups. Irish naturalization and voter registration rates were the highest of all the immigrant groups. "In the 1860s] Radical Republicans captured control of the New England and Middle Atlantic states __ [Theyl pursued a program of electoral and institutional reform in the eastern states with urban Democratic (and Irish)strongholds. Rather than weakening the embryonic Democratic city organizations, the Radical attack succeeded in strengthening these machines. The election of pro-machine Democratic governors in states such as New York New Jersey, and California further ided Irish machine huildinn to Which of the following pieces of historical evidence would best modify the overall argument of the excerpt? A Political machines engaged in active campaigns to naturalize new Irish immigrants as citizens. B Some urban areas with large Irish populations did not develop Irish- dominated political machines. C Irish people received a significant percent of new patronage jobs created in New York City in the 1890s. D The Irish in San Francisco were more likely to vote than other ethnic groups in the late 1890s and early 1900s.

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The iponucany machine represented the Ur the inducements such as offers of public jobs The machine sustained itself by late nineteenth century. Bosses purchased voter support with individual economic (73) exchanging material benefits for political support. "By 1890 Irish bosses ran most of the bigcity Democratic machines constructed in the 1870s and 1880s By 1886, the Irish held 58 percent of the seats on the San Francisco Democratic party central committee 61 percent of the Tammany Society Ipolitical machine in New York City] were Irish in 1890. What accounts for their unusually high group political participation rates? The Irish capture of the urban Democratic party depended on a large Irish voting bloc. In city after city the Irish mobilized politically much more quickly than other ethnic groups. Irish naturalization and voter registration rates were the highest of all the immigrant groups. "In the 1860s] Radical Republicans captured control of the New England and Middle Atlantic states __ [Theyl pursued a program of electoral and institutional reform in the eastern states with urban Democratic (and Irish)strongholds. Rather than weakening the embryonic Democratic city organizations, the Radical attack succeeded in strengthening these machines. The election of pro-machine Democratic governors in states such as New York New Jersey, and California further ided Irish machine huildinn to Which of the following pieces of historical evidence would best modify the overall argument of the excerpt? A Political machines engaged in active campaigns to naturalize new Irish immigrants as citizens. B Some urban areas with large Irish populations did not develop Irish- dominated political machines. C Irish people received a significant percent of new patronage jobs created in New York City in the 1890s. D The Irish in San Francisco were more likely to vote than other ethnic groups in the late 1890s and early 1900s.

Answer 1

The excerpt discusses the high political participation rates of Irish immigrants in the late 19th century and their dominance in urban Democratic political machines. To modify the overall argument, we would need evidence that challenges or provides a different perspective on the Irish political influence described.<br /><br />Option B: "Some urban areas with large Irish populations did not develop Irish-dominated political machines" would best modify the overall argument. This piece of evidence suggests that despite having large Irish populations, not all urban areas saw the development of Irish-dominated political machines, indicating that other factors might have influenced political dynamics beyond just the presence of a large Irish voting bloc. This would challenge the notion that Irish political dominance was uniform across all cities with significant Irish populations.

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